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| There is much confusion over what terrorism is and is
not. The following is an essay from the US Army's Command & General
Staff College in Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. The essay does an excellent job
of explaining not only the basics of terrorism, but also details the US
policy towards this phenomenon.
U.S. Army, Field Manual 100-20, Stability and Support Opperations, (Final Draft), "Chapter 8: Combatting Terrorism." |
| The Basics: Combatting Terrorism
Terrorism is a special type of violence. It is a tactic used in peace,
conflict, and war. The threat of terrorism is ever present, and an attack
is likely to occur when least expected. A terrorist attack may be the
event that marks the transition from peace to conflict or war. Combatting
terrorism is a factor to consider in all military plans and operations.
Combatting terrorism requires a continuous state of awareness; it is a
necessary practice rather than a type of military operation. Detailed
guidance for establishing an organizational program to combat terrorism,
including preventive and protective measures and incident response
planning, can be found in Joint Publication 3-07.2 (1993). Terrorism is a
criminal offense under nearly every national or international legal code.
With few exceptions, acts of terrorism are forbidden in war as they are in
times of peace. See, for example, the Hague Regulation of 1907 and the
Geneva Conventions of 1949.
This definition was carefully crafted to distinguish between terrorism
and other kinds of violence. The act of terrorism is defined independent
of the cause that motivates it. People employ terrorist violence in the
name of many causes. The tendency to label as terrorism any violent act of
which we do not approve is erroneous. Terrorism is a specific kind of
violence. The official definition says that terrorism is calculated. Terrorists
generally know what they are doing. Their selection of a target is planned
and rational. They know the effect they seek. Terrorist violence is
neither spontaneous nor random. Terrorism is intended to produce fear; by
implication, that fear is engendered in someone other than the victim. In
other words, terrorism is a psychological act conducted for its impact on
an audience. Finally, the definition addresses goals. Terrorism may be motivated by
political, religious, or ideological objectives. In a sense, terrorist
goals are always political, as extremists driven by religious or
ideological beliefs usually seek political power to compel society to
conform to their views. The objectives of terrorism distinguish it from
other violent acts aimed at personal gain, such as criminal violence.
However, the definition permits including violence by organized crime when
it seeks to influence government policy. Some drug cartels and other
international criminal organizations engage in political action when their
activities influence governmental functioning. The essence of terrorism is
the intent to induce fear in someone other than its victims to make a
government or other audience change its political behavior. Terrorism is common practice in insurgencies, but insurgents are not
necessarily terrorists if they comply with the rules of war and do not
engage in those forms of violence identified as terrorist acts. While the
legal distinction is clear, it rarely inhibits terrorists who convince
themselves that their actions are justified by a higher law. Their
single-minded dedication to a goal, however poorly it may be articulated,
renders legal sanctions relatively ineffective. In contrast, war is
subject to rules of international law. Terrorists recognize no rules. No
person, place, or object of value is immune from terrorist attack. There
are no innocents. This situation did not always prevail. Throughout history, extremists
have practiced terrorism to generate fear and compel a change in behavior.
Frequently, terrorism was incidental to other forms of violence, such as
war or insurgency. Before the nineteenth century, terrorists usually
granted certain categories of people immunity from attack. Like other
warriors, terrorists recognized innocents-- people not involved in
conflict. Terrorists usually excluded women, children, and the elderly
from target lists. For example, in late nineteenth-century Russia,
radicals planning the assassination of Tsar Alexander II aborted several
planned attacks because they risked harming innocent people. Old-school
terrorism was direct; it intended to produce a political effect through
the injury or death of the victim. The development of bureaucratic states led to a profound change in
terrorism. Modern governments have a continuity that older, personalistic
governments did not. Terrorists found that the death of a single
individual, even a monarch, did not necessarily produce the policy changes
they sought. Terrorists reacted by turning to an indirect method of
attack. By the early twentieth century, terrorists began to attack people
previously considered innocents to generate political pressure. These
indirect attacks create a public atmosphere of anxiety and undermine
confidence in government. Their unpredictability and apparent randomness
make it virtually impossible for governments to protect all potential
victims. The public demands protection that the state cannot give.
Frustrated and fearful, the people then demand that the government make
concessions to stop the attacks. Modern terrorism offers its practitioners many advantages. First, by
not recognizing innocents, terrorists have an infinite number of targets.
They select their target and determine when, where, and how to attack. The
range of choices gives terrorists a high probability of success with
minimum risk. If the attack goes wrong or fails to produce the intended
results, the terrorists can deny responsibility. Ironically, as democratic governments become more common it may be
easier for terrorists to operate. The terrorist bombings of the New York
City World Trade Center and the Oklahoma City Federal Building prove how
easy it is for terrorists to operate in a free and democratic society.
Authoritarian governments whose populace may have a better reason to
revolt may also be less constrained by requirements for due process and
impartial justice when combatting terrorists. As commanders and staffs address terrorism, they must consider several
relevant characteristics. First is that anyone can be a victim. (Some
terrorists may still operate under cultural restraints, such as a desire
to avoid harming women, but the planner cannot count on that. Essentially,
there are no innocents.) Second, attacks that may appear to be senseless
and random are not. To the perpetrators, their attacks make perfect sense.
Acts such as bombing public places of assembly and shooting into crowded
restaurants heighten public anxiety. This is the terrorists' immediate
objective. Third, the terrorist needs to publicize his attack. If no one
knows about it, it will not produce fear. The need for publicity often
drives target selection; the greater the symbolic value of the target, the
more publicity the attack brings to the terrorists and the more fear it
generates. Finally, a leader planning for combatting terrorism must
understand that he cannot protect every possible target all the time. He
must also understand that terrorists will likely shift from more protected
targets to less protected ones. This is the key to defensive
measures.
Groups considering terrorism as an option ask a crucial question: Can
terrorism induce enough anxiety to attain its goals without causing a
backlash that will destroy the cause and perhaps the terrorists
themselves? To misjudge the answer is to risk disaster. Recent history
offers examples of several groups that had apparently good prospects for
success which paid the price of misjudging reaction to terrorism. In the
early 1970s, the Tupamaros in Uruguay and the ERP (People's Revolutionary
Army) and Montoneros in Argentina misjudged a hostile popular reaction to
terrorism. They pushed the societies beyond their threshold of tolerance
and were destroyed as a result. The same is true of several groups
operating in Turkey in the late 1970s and, possibly, several Mafiosi
families in Italy in the 1990s.
Terrorist groups with strong internal motivations find it necessary to
justify the group's existence continuously. A terrorist group must
terrorize. As a minimum, it must commit violent acts to maintain group
self-esteem and legitimacy. Thus, terrorists sometimes carry out attacks
that are objectively nonproductive or even counterproductive to their
announced goal. Another result of psychological motivation is the intensity of group
dynamics among terrorists. They tend to demand unanimity and be intolerant
of dissent. With the enemy clearly identified and unequivocally evil,
pressure to escalate the frequency and intensity of operations is ever
present. The need to belong to the group discourages resignations, and the
fear of compromise disallows their acceptance. Compromise is rejected, and
terrorist groups lean toward maximalist positions. Having placed
themselves beyond the pale, forever unacceptable to ordinary society, they
cannot accept compromise. They consider negotiation dishonorable, if not
treasonous. This may explain why terrorist groups are prone to fracturing
and why the splinters are frequently more violent than their parent group.
The Jewish experience in Palestine is a classic example of splintering.
In 1931, Haganah B broke from Haganah; in 1936, Irgun Svai Leumi split
from Haganah B; and in 1940, Lochamei Herut Israel, or the Stern Gang,
broke from Irgun. Each successive group was more rigid and violence-prone
than its parent.
The psychodynamics also make the announced group goal nearly impossible
to achieve. A group that achieves its stated purpose is no longer needed;
thus, success threatens the psychological well-being of its members. When
a terrorist group approaches its stated goal, it is inclined to redefine
it. The group may reject the achievement as false or inadequate or the
result of the duplicity of "them." Nicaragua's Recontras, The Basque ETA
(Euskadi Ta Askatasuna, "Basque Fatherland and Liberty"), and many
Palestinian radical groups apparently suffer from fear of success. One
effective psychological defense against success is to define goals so
broadly that they are impossible to achieve. Even if the world proclaims
the success of a political movement, the terrorists can deny it and fight
on.
The treatment of life in general and individual life in particular is a
cultural characteristic that has a tremendous impact on terrorism. In
societies in which people identify themselves in terms of group membership
(family, clan, tribe), there may be a willingness to self-sacrifice seldom
seen elsewhere. (Note, however, that American soldiers are less surprised
at heroic sacrifice for one's military unit; the difference among cultures
is in the group with which one identifies.) At times, terrorists seem to
be eager to give their lives for their organization and cause. The lives
of "others," being wholly evil in the terrorists' value system, can be
destroyed with little or no remorse.
Other factors include the manner in which aggression is channeled and
the concepts of social organization. For example, the ambient level of
violence is shaped by the political structure and its provisions for power
transfer. Some political systems have no effective nonviolent means for
the succession to power. A culture may have a high tolerance for
nonpolitical violence, such as banditry or ethnic "turf" battles, and
remain relatively free of political violence. The United States, for
example, is one of the most violent societies in the world. Yet, political
violence remains an aberration. By contrast, France and Germany, with low
tolerance for violent crime, have a history of political violence.
A major cultural determinate of terrorism is the perception of
"outsiders" and anticipation of a threat to ethnic group survival. Fear of
cultural extermination leads to violence which, to someone who does not
experience it, seems irrational. All human beings are sensitive to threats
to the values by which they identify themselves. These include language,
religion, group membership, and homeland or native territory. The
possibility of losing any of these can trigger defensive, even xenophobic,
reactions.
Religion may be the most volatile of cultural identifiers because it
encompasses values deeply held. A threat to one's religion puts not only
the present at risk but also one's cultural past and the future. Many
religions, including Christianity and Islam, are so confident they are
right that they have used force to obtain converts. Terrorism in the name
of religion can be especially violent. Like all terrorists, those who are
religiously motivated view their acts with moral certainty and even divine
sanctions. What would otherwise be extraordinary acts of desperation
become a religious duty in the mind of the religiously motivated
terrorist. This helps explain the high level of commitment and willingness
to risk death among religious extremist groups.
Terrorist groups that are not supported by a government usually create
a support structure of sympathizers and people who have been coerced into
helping them. The support structure may comprise active and passive
members. It furnishes the active terrorists with logistic support,
intelligence, dissemination of propaganda, recruiting, and money.
Terrorist recruitment and training are, predictably,
security-sensitive. Among groups that are not ethnic-based, the usual
sources of recruits are high school and college students who show
commitment to the cause. Ethnically based terrorist groups recruit new
members personally known to them, people whose backgrounds are known and
who often have family ties to the organization. Intelligence penetration
of organizations recruited in this way is extremely difficult.
Terrorist training varies considerably. Those with military experience
or who have received prolonged training at sophisticated facilities are
the equals of most state security forces. At the other end of the spectrum
are "throw away" operatives who get little more than inspirational talks
before being activated. Typical training includes instruction in the use
of small arms and explosives along with intelligence collection and
indoctrination in the group's cause.
Contemporary terrorist actions include the traditional assassinations,
bombings, arson, hostage-taking, hijacking, kidnapping, seizure and
occupation of a building, attacks on a facility, sabotage, and
perpetration of hoaxes. Newer categories of operations include ecological
terrorism and the still largely potential "high-tech" terrorism using
nuclear, biological, and chemical (NBC) weapons and materials. Target
selection considerations are equally diverse but include the target's
value in terms of its contribution to group goals, its accessibility given
group capabilities, and the purpose of the attack, such as to gain
attention, collect resources, eliminate a threat, or demonstrate a
capability. All these factors are reflected in the group's organization
and training.
Unfortunately, it is easier to prescribe unity of effort than to
achieve it. In circumstances where multiple police and intelligence
agencies have vague and overlapping charters and jurisdictions, friction
is bound to occur. As in other aspects of stability and support
operations, the solution lies in negotiation and consensus-building.
Fortunately, experience has proved that cooperation at the local unit or
installation level is relatively easy to obtain.
In combatting terrorism, intelligence is extraordinarily important. The
essential elements of information (EEI) differ somewhat from those
normally found in traditional combat situations. In addition to the
terrorists' strength, skills, equipment, logistic capabilities, leader
profiles, source of supply, and tactics, more specific information is
needed. This includes the groups' goals, affiliations, indication of their
willingness to kill or die for their cause, and significant events in
their history, such as the death of martyrs or some symbolic event. The
specific EEI are particularly important because most terrorist groups are
interested in symbolically significant targets rather than in targets that
would be operationally more damaging to US forces. For example, a
communications center is operationally significant, but a terrorist
interested in publicity to influence US policy might find a few off-duty
personnel or a motor pool more appealing and probably less protected.
Unless terrorists' specific interests are known, predicting the likely
target is pure chance.
The United States considers all terrorist acts criminal and intolerable
and condemns them without regard for their motivation. The United States
will support all lawful measures to prevent terrorism and bring
perpetrators to justice. We will not make any concessions to terrorist
blackmail because to do so will merely invite more terrorist actions. (No
concessions does not mean no negotiations.)
DOD has identified five threat levels to standardize reporting. They
are based on terrorists' existence, capability, intentions, history,
targeting, and the security environment. The five levels are described
below: Threat levels are not the same as threat conditions (THREATCON); the
latter are a matter of command decision that implements countermeasures.
THREATCONs and actions to implement them are described in AR 525-13
(1992), Joint Pub 3-07.2 (1993), and DOD Directive 2000.12 (1990).
Future terrorism is likely to include higher than ever levels of
violence. Hijackings, kidnappings, and drive-by shootings will continue,
but their shock effect has decreased with familiarity. Since terrorists
need publicity to inspire fear, familiarity causes them to seek more
unusual events that capture and hold public attention.
The March 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center in New York City may
be typical of future terrorist attacks. If the bombing had gone as planned
by the perpetrators, there might have been thousands of deaths. There was
also a conspiracy to attack symbolic landmarks, including the Holland
Tunnel and the United Nations headquarters, in and around New York that
would have affected thousands of people and caused millions in property
damage. It is not difficult to imagine the psychological effect of these
types of attacks on the U.S. public.
Although technology aids in the defense against terrorism, it also
provides terrorists with increased opportunities. Terrorists can operate
in cyber space to destroy or manipulate information for their own
purposes. Skilled "hackers" with terrorist intent can access all but the
most secure data banks, stealing or changing information, or destroying
it. This gives them the potential, for example, of manipulating the stock
market for their own profit or to precipitate inflation or depression.
There is evidence of large-scale counterfeiting of American currency to
purchase weapons. This could cause serious economic disruption. Access to
police and other security files can keep terrorists one step ahead of
their government opponents.
Terrorists can follow the example of Iraq's Saddam Hussein and create
ecological disasters by starting fires and causing chemical spills. For
example, the forests of the American Northwest are vulnerable to arson.
Seeking more spectacular attacks, terrorists may poison water supplies or
blow up dams and levees. Chemical weapons have become increasingly
powerful and easy to produce. Triggering devices have become more
sophisticated. The potential for using weapons of mass destruction,
including biological and nuclear material, exists.
Parallel to these ominous developments favoring the terrorist is a
disturbing trend to resort to violence for an ever-widening range of
causes. Terrorism is practiced on a global scale in support of criminal
business initiatives, various social issues (for example, environmental
and antiabortion extremists), ethnic conflicts (ranging from US street
gangs to conflicts in Central Africa and South Asia), religious
interpretation, traditional political power struggles, and insurgencies.
Combined, these factors bode ill for the future and demand the attention
of military commanders.
US military personnel will continue to be targets for terrorists for
the same reason they have in the past. Collectively and individually, they
symbolize US power. While no one will challenge the United States on the
conventional battlefield in the foreseeable future, terrorist acts are
likely to be the preferred form for expressing hostility toward the
remaining superpower. Relative to the other forms of political violence,
terrorism remains cheap and successful regarding limited objectives and
carries low risk to the perpetrator. The activities that are likely to
engage US military personnel in the near future occur in situations
favorable to terrorism. These include peace operations; humanitarian
assistance; and foreign internal defense where governments have failed,
ethnic conflict prevails, widespread banditry exists, and weapons are
readily available.
Terrorism constitutes a threat in all stability and support operations.
The deployed forces' good intentions will not preclude terrorist actions
to thwart US national objectives. An effective antiterrorism program will
reduce the likelihood of successful terrorist attacks but only if it is so
deeply instilled that it is habitual. |
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